Social Media During the Egyptian Revolution: A Study of Collective Identity and Organizational Function of Facebook and Co
(Sprache: Englisch)
With the fall of the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt the term Facebook Revolution was coined depicting the world s most popular social media platform as a condition sine qua non for the Arab revolutions. Moving on from the extreme positions of cyber-utopians...
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With the fall of the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt the term Facebook Revolution was coined depicting the world s most popular social media platform as a condition sine qua non for the Arab revolutions. Moving on from the extreme positions of cyber-utopians and pessimists, this study identifies and analyses mechanisms of use and potential intermediary effects of social media in connection with other driving factors of mass demonstrations that led to the fall of the Mubarak regime in early 2011. Semi-structured focus interviews were carried out with social media activists in Cairo between November 20th and 24th, 2011. The qualitative content analysis of eight interviews allowed for the identification of relevant categories and sub-categories as well as possible connections between them. Additionally, a thorough analysis of the Egyptian socio-economic, political and media system in the years leading up to the revolution provides the basis for valuable and contextual conclusions. Among the key findings is the accelerating effect of social media in mobilizing the Egyptian population to take part in mass demonstrations. Whereas the organizational function is limited to online network effects rather than facilitating the coordination of protesters on the ground, a significant impact of social media on the perception of a collective identity and threshold levels relevant for individual protest behavior was identified through this research. Moreover, the findings implicate a mutual dependency between new social media and traditional mass media.
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Text Sample:Chapter 3, The Context: Egypt and its Media System:
3.1. Country Profile:
Abdallah states that Egypt s revolution is, to a significant extent, the outcome of the media s relationship with politics and democracy . While it remains to be proven which role exactly the media and especially social media played, this claim at least underlines the need to take a closer look at the country s political opportunity structures and socio-economic development before entering into the empirical part of this research.
3.1.1., Population and Socio-Economic Development:
Geographically, Egypt belongs to the region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) which spans from Morocco in the West to Iran in the East. The so-called Arab Republic of Egypt is located between Libya, Sudan, and Saudi Arabia, Jordan and the Gaza Strip. The country consists of 29 governorates and is divided into Lower Egypt in the northern Nile Valley and the Nile Delta of Upper Egypt in the south.
Over 40% of its population live in urban areas with 10 million in the capital Cairo. Notably, the country s population has more than doubled in the last 40 years from 35 million in 1970 to approximately 81 million in 2011.
A vast majority, namely 90% of the population, are Muslim. There is a minority of around 8 million people with Christian belief. 9% of the total population belong to the Coptic Orthodox Church and 1% belongs to other Christian groups.
Copts are one of the oldest and largest Christian communities in the region. They have suffered from religious discrimination and persecution for centuries. Sectarian violence against Copts increased drastically in the year prior to the 2011 revolution in Egypt.
Regarding the economic development of the country, the World Bank emphasizes: The region s economic fortunes over much of the past quarter century have been heavily influenced by two factors the price of oil and the legacy of economic policies and structures that had emphasized a
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leading role for the state.
Egypt s oil resources are scarce in relation to its population and its Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The country produces 600,000 barrels per day, but exports only 89,000. That means, most of its petroleum as well as its natural gas stays within the domestic market. Due to the large population this translates only into US$32 per person and thus represents a significantly low figure when compared to the regional average of US$1,605 per person in the Middle East.
Political scientists claim that the probability of going through democratic change is much higher in oil-poor states such as Egypt and Tunisia than in oil-rich countries. Following this line of argument, it is crucial to inquire about the general status of the national economy, particularly with regard to the distribution of wealth. To start with, Egypt s economy is the second in size after Saudi Arabia, depending mainly on agriculture, tourism and remittances from Egyptians working abroad. Compared to other countries in the Arab region, Egypt has a highly diversified and developed economy. After a period of aggressive economic reforms opening the market to foreign investments between 2004 and 2008, the Egyptian economy has, especially since the global financial crisis, experienced a constant decline. Due to rising budget deficits and a decline in export revenues and income from the Suez canal, the GDP growth fell to 4.6% in 2009. However, in 2011 public investments in infrastructure and exports lifted the GDP growth rate back up to 5%.
The UNFPA describes Egypt as a middle-income country with a Gross National Income (GNI) of US$2,070 in 2009. Nevertheless, per capita income remained unequally distributed. The most current Gini index available for 2005 shows a considerably high inequality of income distribution. The lowest 10% receive only 3.9% of all household income, whereas the highest 10% consume almost one third of it.
Egypt s Human Development Index (HDI) has witnessed a
Egypt s oil resources are scarce in relation to its population and its Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The country produces 600,000 barrels per day, but exports only 89,000. That means, most of its petroleum as well as its natural gas stays within the domestic market. Due to the large population this translates only into US$32 per person and thus represents a significantly low figure when compared to the regional average of US$1,605 per person in the Middle East.
Political scientists claim that the probability of going through democratic change is much higher in oil-poor states such as Egypt and Tunisia than in oil-rich countries. Following this line of argument, it is crucial to inquire about the general status of the national economy, particularly with regard to the distribution of wealth. To start with, Egypt s economy is the second in size after Saudi Arabia, depending mainly on agriculture, tourism and remittances from Egyptians working abroad. Compared to other countries in the Arab region, Egypt has a highly diversified and developed economy. After a period of aggressive economic reforms opening the market to foreign investments between 2004 and 2008, the Egyptian economy has, especially since the global financial crisis, experienced a constant decline. Due to rising budget deficits and a decline in export revenues and income from the Suez canal, the GDP growth fell to 4.6% in 2009. However, in 2011 public investments in infrastructure and exports lifted the GDP growth rate back up to 5%.
The UNFPA describes Egypt as a middle-income country with a Gross National Income (GNI) of US$2,070 in 2009. Nevertheless, per capita income remained unequally distributed. The most current Gini index available for 2005 shows a considerably high inequality of income distribution. The lowest 10% receive only 3.9% of all household income, whereas the highest 10% consume almost one third of it.
Egypt s Human Development Index (HDI) has witnessed a
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Autoren-Porträt von Eira Martens-Edwards
Eira Martens-Edwards holds a Master of Arts in International Media Studies from the University of Applied Sciences Bonn Rhein-Sieg as well as a Master in Social and Economic Sciences from the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg. Martens-Edwards has a professional background in the field of media, youth engagement and international development. For her empirical study on the role of social media during the Egyptian revolution, she conducted field research in Cairo in 2011. Currently Martens-Edwards is a researcher at Deutsche Welle Akademie, Germany s centre for international media development.
Bibliographische Angaben
- Autor: Eira Martens-Edwards
- 2014, Erstauflage, 212 Seiten, 21 Abbildungen, Maße: 15,5 x 22 cm, Kartoniert (TB), Englisch
- Verlag: Anchor Academic Publishing
- ISBN-10: 3954892375
- ISBN-13: 9783954892372
Sprache:
Englisch
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